What is the conservative school?

Conservatism is one of the important traditions of bourgeois political thought, which usually refers to the theory and ideological trend of maintaining social status and historical tradition, opposing all radical revolutions and innovations, advocating political restraint, and reconciling the conflicts of interests of various social forces by compromise.

The origin of conservatism: conservatism is one of the most important political thoughts in the west in the 20th century, and it is a conservative ideology. Since the 1970s, with the frustration of the welfare state movement in Western Europe and the "Great Society" movement in the United States, the center-right forces have sprung up everywhere. Since the late 1970s, conservatives have come to power in western industrial powers such as Britain, America and West Germany, and made great progress in France, Italy, Austria and Sweden, forming the strongest conservative movement since the 1848 revolution. As a result, its ideology rapidly expanded its influence and became one of the most popular political thoughts in the West in the 1980s.

Conservatism has deep roots in western society, and great thinkers such as Plato in ancient Greece, Aquinas in the middle ages, Machiavelli in the Renaissance and Hobbes in modern times all have different degrees of conservatism. However, as a clear political attitude, the conservatism of political philosophy and political movement was not formed until the outbreak of the French Revolution at the end of 18. The social upheaval, which took freedom, equality and fraternity as the banner and violence and terror as the means, had a great impact on Europe and even the whole world, causing different reactions from various political forces. Conservatism was formed in this period. Edmund burke (1729- 1797), a British political commentator and parliamentary activist, first laid his ideological foundation.

/kloc-after the French revolution broke out in the 0 th and 8 th centuries, the great role played by the people caused great anxiety and fear among some conservatives within the bourgeoisie. 1790, Burke published "Reflections on the French Revolution" (also translated "On the French Revolution"), which severely criticized the French Revolution and put forward a set of systematic conservative views. This is considered as a sign of the birth of conservatism. But Burke never used the word conservatism. Conservateur originated from French conservationists and was founded by French royalists during the Bourbon Restoration. This term was quickly adopted by other political groups opposed to the French Revolution. The United States and factions began to call themselves "conservatives" from 1830, and the British Tories were also labeled as "conservatives" in the same year.

Burke believes that ignorance of human nature is easy to make mistakes, equality is only fiction, and there must be hierarchical differences in social politics, which is a conventional social discipline. It is human nature to follow social habits and traditions. The Declaration of Human Rights and Civil Rights adopted by the French Revolution is nothing but a vague and worthless text. This is one of them. Secondly, Burke believes that compared with the country, the individual is small and short-lived, while the country or public life is great and permanent; Civilization is not personal, but the wealth of society. The country is the embodiment of the highest wealth. Only by becoming a member of society can one get rid of barbarism. All the spiritual wealth of a person comes from the identity of an organized social member. Individuals must bear their own responsibilities and obligations, otherwise, individuals will become a mess of deserters and hooligans. Thirdly, Burke believes that a country's political system is determined by the country's specific natural conditions, historical traditions, national character, religious beliefs, ethics and social habits. It is the result of centuries and generations' careful choice and the product of convention. Social and political systems are based on habits and traditions. It is extremely ridiculous and sad to create a new regime. He opposed revolution and reform and advocated prudent "improvement". He believes that the great political tradition always contains its own development hints, and the social and political system can be improved, but it must conform to the people's habits and historical traditions; The purpose of improvement is to maintain this tradition, just like repairing a house, and make it conform to the pattern of the house as much as possible. (Sabin: History of Political Theory, below, 1986, pp. 670-694) Burke's thought had a very important influence on later conservatism.

Burke criticized the theory and practice of the French Revolution in an all-round way, pointing out that there is an inseparable internal relationship between freedom and legal order, ethical norms and personal dignity, and that abstract and isolated freedom will only degenerate into the privilege of a few people and will eventually be destroyed. The French Revolution only destroyed the conditions of freedom, so its end must be unprecedented chaos and new autocracy. There are different opinions on Burke in western ideological circles, but it is generally acknowledged that he has amazing foresight on the prospect of the French Revolution.

Burke did not establish his own theoretical system, but expounded some basic beliefs of conservatism, such as the "natural order" created by God and marked by inequality of identity and property; Rights and interests arising from "prescription"; The concept of "nation" created by countless generations and embodying the common interests of society; Tolerate the gradual improvement and preservation of fine traditions, oppose the radical attitude of deliberately destroying the existing system and social order, and so on. Burke enthusiastically praised the aristocratic spirit, but he was not a rigid retro school. He defended the long-standing personal freedom of British society, and he himself belonged to the liberal Whig Party. Therefore, Burke has a far-reaching influence on western political thought, which not only laid the foundation for early conservatism, but also remains the spiritual source of many contemporary conservatives.

The evolution of conservatism. After Burke, conservatism developed into three different schools in19th century. French orthodoxy, also known as Latin, belongs to the extreme right of conservatism. The founders and main representatives are two French aristocrats, mestel (Joseph de mestel l753- 182 1) and Louis de Bonade (Louis de Bonade11753-1840). They are actually representatives of feudal nobles. This school developed and systematized Burke's theocracy, accused the 1789 Revolution of destroying spiritual life and social order, leading to anarchy, and severely criticized the egoistic tendency of modern capitalist society. They demanded to restore the political system of the "golden age" before the revolution, that is, the feudal autocratic system combining the unified world Christian church with absolute kingship. Orthodoxy was very popular in the era when the Holy Alliance ruled Europe, but its absolutism completely ran counter to the historical trend and was incompatible with moderate conservatives, so it gradually declined after the 1848 European Revolution. However, it still had a certain influence in the later French conservative tradition, and the "French Action" led by Charles Mora and Maurice Barres in the 1920s and 1930s was its successor.

German romanticism. The title comes from the spiritual tendency of praising emotion and belittling reason. Its members are a group of intellectuals who lack scientific minds, hate the bourgeoisie and support the nobility and monarchy. The main representatives are Novalis (1772- 180 1), Friedrich von schlegel (1774- 1829) and adam muller. Besides. British samuel taylor coleridge (1772- 1834) and Thomas Carlyle (1795- 188 1) are also related to them. This school holds a secular and dialectical idealistic vision. They applied Burke's thought to the field of social history, and understood social history as a process of development, which was driven by nature and time. They pay attention to the continuity of tradition and history and oppose social revolution; It advocates absolute freedom of spirit, but combined with the theory of social organism, it advocates that the only way to realize freedom is that individuals should devote themselves to the cause of the whole country and society, rather than pursuing personal rights and interests. This view eventually leads to unlimited racial unity and state power, which also conflicts with moderate conservatism. They oppose rationality and advocate using people's emotions, emotions and passions to reflect reality. On the issue of political leadership, they have a view similar to elitism, demonstrating the ruling mission of middle-class intellectuals (such as poets and philosophers). Romanticism has become one of the theoretical sources of fascism.

Moderates in Britain. In addition to Burke, his main representatives are william cobbett (1763- 1835), Marquis of Salisbury (r c Salisbbry1830-1903) and Henry Main (H Main 65438). In addition, French conservatives and liberals such as Benjamin Konstein (1767- 1830) and De Tocqueville (1805- 1859) also have something in common with them. The values of this school have a strong aristocratic color, but they are not as absolute as the first two schools, but more flexible and practical. They belong to the conservatives in capitalist society, whose main flags are individual freedom, the rule of law and parliamentary democracy, and advocate mediating social conflicts by compromise and moderate means. They hate modern industrial civilization and capitalist democracy, but they avoid direct confrontation and can take the initiative to bring them into their own track to prevent them from going to extremes. The "Tory Democracy" movement led by Benjamin Disraeli (1804- 188 1) is a prominent example. British moderates have the greatest and most lasting influence and are the mainstream of early conservatism.

/kloc-the conservative trend of thought in the 0/9th century is a complex trend of thought, which includes the thoughts of both feudal conservative forces and bourgeois conservatives. The boundary between these three factions is not absolute, and their basic positions of opposing revolution and resisting democratic reform are close to the same. Each faction is also represented in other countries, and many thinkers have the characteristics of two or even three factions. There are obvious differences between the factions. First, due to the different social traditions of different countries, such as the fierce political and metallurgical struggle in France, there is no room for compromise between the left and right wings; Second, due to the different levels of development of countries, the social progress of France in the first half of the 9th century was more than a century behind that of Britain, while Germany at that time had not even formed a unified nation-state.

In the 20th century, especially after the First World War, the differences between countries' conservatism are narrowing day by day, because their opponents tend to be the same: the international producer movement represented by the Soviet Union and the fascist movement represented by Italy and Germany; Left-wing and center-left forces in various countries, namely the organized labor movement and the welfare state movement. For conservatives, the essence of these different opponents is the same: state intervention that threatens traditional individual freedom. Therefore, European and American conservatism has gradually become an organic whole. Since the 20th century, the development of conservatism can be roughly divided into three stages.

The first stage is from the beginning of the 20th century to around World War II. At this time, the western political order is undergoing rapid and drastic changes, and the conservatives have suffered obvious setbacks. Their thoughts are mainly manifested in lamenting the decline of the old tradition, resisting the neo-liberal ideological trend of state intervention, fearing democratic movements and revolutionary trends, and strongly calling for powerful outstanding figures, that is, elites, but they have not formed a clear political program. There are mainly two schools in this period: one is the elite, and the other is the experts who rule the country. The elites represented by Italian mosca (G mosca 1858- 194 1) and Pareto (V Pareto 1848- 1923) believe that there will always be educated elites and ignorant people in human society. Scholars, politicians, artists and business managers are all outstanding figures. Maintaining the quality and leadership of elites is the only way to save the West. Burnham (J Burnham 1905—) and Galbraith (J J K Galbraith 1908—) in the United States are representatives of the expert adjudication school. According to the new changes in modern industrial society, western industrial countries have entered the management society, and new management classes and technical experts have emerged as the main body of society. They are the real leaders of society, and parliamentary democracy is about to die. The second is conservatism headed by Cecil, a British conservative politician, who made a new exposition of Burke's conservatism.

The second stage was from around World War II to the early 1970s, when the situation of conservatives further deteriorated. This period is a period of neoliberalism. Accordingly, it is a period when neoconservatism studies, brews, criticizes neoliberalism and constructs a theoretical system. Many contemporary neoconservatives formed their views and appeared in this period. Because some European Conservatives sympathized with, supported and even participated in the fascist movement, the post-war Conservative Party was notorious, so that other European Conservatives except Britain were forced to change their signs. At the same time, the welfare state movement swept across the western world, and the competition between conservatives and Shen leftists in welfare construction became the general trend. Theoretically, it mainly shows Harold Macmillan's "middle way" (1894- 1987). This idea is practical and successful, but as an ideology, it has lost its independent value. During this period, a number of "neo-conservatives" represented by irving kristol and daniel bell emerged in the United States, indicating the recovery of conservatism. However, his thought did not completely surpass the "middle way" norm, so he did not have the power to change the political situation.

Since the mid-1970s, it has been the third stage. With the severe challenge of neo-liberal theory and policy and the predicament of western society, conservatives have won elections since the late 1970s, and the trend of neo-conservatism has also spread rapidly, becoming the dominant ideology in the 1980s. This is not only a challenge to the welfare state, but also a reflection on the conservative middle road. But it is not a traditional or classical conservatism, but a conservatism that absorbs some liberal elements, that is, combining classical liberalism with conservatism and opposing the basic theories and policies of neoliberalism. Therefore, people who study western political thought usually call it liberal conservatism. Western economists call it neoliberalism. These two meanings are different. Another remarkable phenomenon in this period is that the United States, which has a profound liberal tradition, replaced Britain and became the center of western conservatism. The main representatives are Hayek (F·A· Hayek L899- 1992), Friedman (M Friedman L912-), Nozick (robert nozick 1938-2002) and Buchanan (James Mcgill Buchanan LG 65438).

The main reasons for the rise of conservatism in 1970s and the general situation of its development can be found in the textbook PP 53-57.

The basic characteristics of conservatism. First of all, conservatism reflects a social psychology of standing still and refusing to innovate. Hugh Cecil, a famous British conservative thinker, said: "The cautious ordinary people don't believe what has not been tested by their own experience, and they don't know that the experience of others has been tested and found to be satisfactory. He would rather choose something he is familiar with, even if it is not perfect, than something new that has not been tested, although it may be attractive. "This empirical tendency makes conservatism always belittle the role of theory, so it has never formed a strict and unified theoretical system. Its philosophical basis is to admit that human nature is evil and flawed, and these must be restricted by law and religion, otherwise the evil of human nature will be manifested through war, violence and plunder. Therefore, in philosophy, conservatism is deeply influenced by the original sin theory of Christianity, which confirms that there are incurable defects in human nature and rationality, and social ills can only be alleviated but not eradicated. Therefore, conservatism always doubts the function of political activities and opposes any attempt to completely transform society, especially the untested utopian ideal. The concept of temperance politics is a watershed that distinguishes it from other political thoughts. Although liberalism also advocates political restraint, its starting point and goal are different, and its abstract concepts such as human rights, progress and rationality are unacceptable to conservatism.

Secondly, the conservative view of society is an "organism theory". On the issue of social change, conservatism believes that society is an organism formed by long-term development, which depends on tradition, habit, law and order; We must be very cautious about social change. It regards the isomorphism of human beings as an organic organization of a living thing. In this organization, there is an interdependent relationship between parts, parts and the whole. Without the whole, parts cannot survive independently. At the same time, the status of each part is also different. For example, the brain and heart play more roles in the human body than hands, feet and hair. The practical significance of this concept is: social problems are complex and there is no simple solution; The interests of the whole society or the public should be higher than those of individuals and groups, and the differences of grades and classes are determined by the natural order, so all members of society should obey their fate and perform their duties. Therefore, when dealing with the relationship between the individual and the state and society, conservatism emphasizes the importance of the state and society to the individual, and holds that a person can only exist if he becomes a part of the family, the collective, the state and society.

Thirdly, politically, conservatism adheres to the principle of governing the country by sages founded by Plato, and advocates that leadership must be given to outstanding people with excellent quality, not to mass leaders who are good at demagoguing people. Sovereignty should be permanent and cannot be disturbed and destroyed by frequent election activities to ensure political continuity and stability. Conservatives have always emphasized order and law, and maintained traditional social ties conducive to unity, such as religion, customs, ethics and family. Because of this, they got the title of "Order Party", which is just the opposite of the liberal title of "Progressive Party".

However, it should be noted that the old-fashioned attitude of excluding new ideas is mainly manifested in being content with the status quo and unwilling to see any form of drastic changes, whether it is by leaps and bounds or by leaps and bounds. Therefore, in general, conservatism and reaction should not be simply equated. In addition, a conservative attitude does not mean that its ideological content remains unchanged. First of all, the social status and traditions of different times are very different. For example, laissez-faire was a new thing in the19th century, and it became a negative tradition that hindered social progress in the 20th century. Modern liberalism instead calls on the state to intervene in monopoly organizations that threaten individual freedom, so contemporary laissez-faire people no longer belong to liberals, but to conservatives. Secondly, western conservatives are powerful political forces and have the ability to govern. They have to change their platforms from time to time to attract voters from all walks of life and compete with liberals and socialists. Contemporary conservatives even praise reform. Of course, this is only a stopgap measure, that is, seeking security through change, replacing radical reform with moderate reform, or reforming others' reforms.

The above characteristics of conservatism are only generalizations. Some conservatives and theorists often show more extreme arguments and opinions, and even become one with the reactionary camp. This is a normal phenomenon in political and ideological fields such as liberalism and anarchism.

A similar situation exists in other political thoughts.

The basic characteristics and functions of neoconservatism. The most striking feature of neoconservatism is "anti-nationalism", that is, opposing state intervention in social and economic life. They strongly criticized the neo-liberal theory, the state intervention policy and the socialist planned economy. They think that the current government is overburdened and advocate that the government should not interfere in social and economic life and let the market economy run by itself. In fact, under the new historical conditions, they reinterpreted some principles of classical liberalism.

Neo-conservatism has had an important impact on the development of contemporary capitalism. From the late 1960s to the early 1970s, the "welfare state" policies of major western countries were in trouble, with stagflation and serious economic depression. At the same time, the expansion of government agencies has caused many social problems. This shows that the expression of the basic contradiction of capitalism has undergone new changes. The emergence of neo-conservatism has had a great influence on the policies of major capitalist countries such as Britain and the United States. These countries have adopted neoconservative policies and vigorously promoted a series of policies focusing on privatization and social welfare policy reform. Therefore, the western capitalist economy achieved new development in the 1980s and 1990s. Thatcher, Reagan and Cole were all re-elected.

Neo-conservatism has theoretically studied some important issues, such as the relationship between equality of opportunity and result, freedom and equality, efficiency and fairness. They believe that the neo-liberal state intervention policy tries to adjust people's income gap and achieve equal results, which in turn will inevitably endanger equal opportunities and people's right to compete freely, affect the improvement of production efficiency, weaken the situation of people with good opportunities, and let hard-working people support those who live on social welfare. This is also extremely unfair. They even think it will lead to political autocracy. Because to maintain this unjust situation, we can only rely on autocracy. Therefore, the state should not interfere in social and economic life to ensure that individuals can compete and develop freely in the market. Neo-conservatism studies and deals with the relationship between state and individual, equality of opportunity and equality of result from different angles of neo-liberalism.

The relationship between neoconservatism and neoliberalism. This is a problem worthy of attention. If neoliberalism corrects the laissez-faire position of classical liberalism, emphasizes the state's regulation of the market, advocates expanding government power and implementing social welfare policies, then the main feature of neoconservatism lies in the re-demonstration and return to the basic propositions of classical liberalism. In this sense, the difference between neoliberalism and neoconservatism is only relative. Therefore, many people call Hayek and Friedman liberals.

Neo-conservatism and neo-liberalism are his brothers who think and solve major social, economic and political problems for the contemporary western bourgeoisie, and they should both maintain the long-term stability of capitalism; They are all against socialism, against the theory of * * *, and against socialist countries. They have no fundamental conflict of interest. So it is normal for them to absorb and adopt each other's ideas on many issues.

In the decades-long debate between neoconservatism and neoliberalism, it mainly involves capitalist economic and social policy issues, such as: how to treat the competition and development of the free market? Does the government want to intervene, and how? Do you want to implement a social welfare policy? Although their views are different, they are essentially the same, and they all want to maintain capitalist private ownership, even if the nationalization advocated by neoliberalism is actually a change of private ownership; Whether neo-liberalism advocates state intervention or neo-conservatism advocates free competition, the ultimate goal is to safeguard individual freedom. Neither can and will completely deny or give up personal freedom. All these make it possible for them to become the mainstream of bourgeois political thought.