What is the social structure of rural areas?

Question 1: What changes have taken place in the social structure of contemporary rural China? The first trend is that the differentiation of social classes is on the rise, and many classes have not been "fixed" or solidified. The Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS) Research Group on Social Classes in Contemporary China divides China's social classes into 10 classes: the state and social management class, the managerial class, the industrial worker class, the agricultural laborer class, the private entrepreneur class, the professional and technical class, the clerical class, the self-employed industrial and commercial class, the commercial service class, and the urban unemployed, underemployed, and semi-underemployed class. Prof. Zheng Hangsheng, in his project "Social Structure of Chinese Cities", divides the urban social classes into seven: the managerial class, the professional and technical personnel class, the clerical class, the worker class, the self-employed class, the private entrepreneur class, and the other classes. Other scholars have put forward the 8-class theory or 12-class theory, etc.

The problem is that there is no such thing as a class.

Question 2: What is the shape of the social structure of the rural areas in the Republic of China The social structure of the rural areas in the Republic of China underwent an overall change, which is manifested in the following: a large number of rural population migration, the weakening of the clan pattern, the family paradigm tends to be small, the rural class drastic changes, the extensive rise of peasant associations. The overall changes in the social structure of the rural areas of North China illustrate the powerlessness and rigidity of the political and economic system of China during the Republican period, reflecting the peasants' adaptation and resistance to social changes, and providing the essential preconditions for a new social revolution.

Question 3: What is the relationship between social mobility and changes in the social structure of the countryside The recent reform and opening up is the surplus rural labor force to work in the city. (Early 1980s)

Working outside the home to return home has led to a wave of rural youth mobility to work. （

The first time I saw this, I was in the middle of a long journey, and it was a long time before I could get to the top of the list.

After the second millennium, real estate was built indiscriminately, and the policy began to let the rural areas to buy houses in the city to send the household registration.

By the end of the second millennium, there was a change in the landscape, with the suburbs of the city planting high houses, and the mountains of the distant cities deserting the land.

It is a good or bad thing to let history to certify.

Question 4: What about the market and social structure in rural China? I was eager to find the "hexagonal structure of China's grassroots organizations" that my teacher mentioned in class. In the first section of the book, I finally found this concept. ---------- ---------- ------ Schizenthal describes each market service area in China as a "square hexagon" based on two major premises: first, that each market service area in China is a "hexagon", and second, that each market service area in China is a "hexagon". The description of each market service area in China as a "square hexagon" is based on two major premises: a plain at the same latitude, and an even distribution of resources across that plain. The reason for making this assumption about the market structure as a spatial and economic system is to establish a clearer theoretical foundation for future research in market economics and socio-economics. It should be noted that Shi's claim is confirmed in all six regions of China that he studied - that is, a large number of market towns are located in exactly six neighboring market towns. The use of the "positive hexagon" to describe the structure of China's market service areas was a first for Shih. However, the term "square hexagon" is not Shi's own invention, but is quoted from R?sch's work, where the square hexagon is, in R?sch's opinion, the most favorable shape for a market area. Here, the market should be distributed so that the most disadvantaged villagers in any one market area are no more or less disadvantaged than the most disadvantaged villagers in any other area. This is to say that all market areas in the model must have the same shape and size. The only ways in which the parts are connected and also have to be the same are equilateral triangles, squares and square hexagons. 2 The villagers with the most unfavorable conditions in each market area are located at a minimum distance from the market. This means that the more sides a polygon has, the more effective this aspect is. Thus, summarizing the results, the square hexagon became the preferred choice. In addition to applying the theory of the positive hexagon, Shih also sketched out a two-ring model with all 18 villages, where the 18 in practical application matches the model of China in any sizable region. Typically, within a hexagonal market area, the market town is located in the center, surrounded by an inner ring of six villages and an outer ring of twelve villages. Economic links between villages are often bridged by a variety of markets. Once the spatial system of the ortho-hexagon has been defined, Shih discusses it in detail. In the first two sections, the author describes his categorization of Chinese markets, centrality, periodicity, and set periods. These points need to be clarified first: I. Markets and Centers Shi's discussion of these concepts is premised on two assumptions. One: he believes that an adequate interpretation of the development of rural China since 1949 must rely on a prioritized analysis of pre-modern peasant trading activities. The second is: The late dynastic period in China was characterized by relative stability, where the economic function of a settlement consistently corresponded to its position in the market system, which arranged itself according to a fixed hierarchy. In Shih's description, China's rural market = the grassroots level (standard), which is characterized as follows: items produced by households for their own use and not for their own use are usually sold there, and items needed by households for their own use and not for their own use are usually purchased there. The grass-roots market provides a trading place for goods produced in the area under this market, but more importantly, it is the starting point for the upward flow of agricultural and handicraft goods into the higher reaches of the market system, and the end point for the downward flow of inputs for farmers' consumption. Distribution of villages in China: clustered and non-clustered. The former covers most of rural China, the latter, for example, in the Sichuan Basin. Shih defines villages as settlements without established markets. It is divided into three classes: 1 Grassroots market 2 Intermediate market 3 Center market. In order from low to high. And here, also discusses the relationship between natural economic centers and man-made administrative centers, suggesting that the two are not simply overlapping nor completely divergent, and that the extent to which the two hierarchical series overlap or coincide can only be determined by analyzing the market structure of a specific region. After observing the county plans of the late Qing Dynasty, the authors suggest that only a small proportion of intermediate market towns became the capitals of county towns or higher-level administrative units, but that a significant majority of the three highest levels of centrality had such administrative units. Moreover, the central market towns and cities of the traditional era were usually completely enclosed with city walls and had a formal city god temple. Second, periodicity and set period Periodicity and set period do not feel fully understood, here can only be part of a general reading of a few more points. The author first answered the question of why the market needs to flow and produce cycles. For one thing: in China, the total amount of demand embraced by the market area of any individual rural market is insufficient to provide the profits that would enable the owners to make a living. (The level of demand from Chinese farmers is so low that a significant portion of this demand does not need to be supplied by the market.) Secondly: ...... >>

Question 5: Combined with Material 1, say what kind of changes the land reform has brought to the social structure of the rural areas The land is deserted, and people go to the cities to work, and their families are full of old people who can't work.

Question 6: The traditional rural social structure That question Tell me if you know 1, according to Fei Xiaotong "Native China" the structure of the traditional Chinese rural society is a "pattern of difference", that is, "in the pattern of difference, the social relationship is gradually pushed out from one person to another, is the increase of private contacts, the social scope is the increase of private contacts, is the increase of private contacts, is the increase of private contacts. In a differential pattern, social relations are gradually pushed out from one person to another, and are the result of the increase of private ties, and the social sphere is a network of private ties; therefore, all the social morality of our traditional society takes place only in the context of private ties "1 . The theory advocates the maintenance of the local social order by the "rule of etiquette" and the adoption of positive preventive strategies, placing the basis of governance in the process of personal cultivation and family socialization.

Question 7: What is the impact of population mobility on the social structure of China's rural areas? 1. Impact on the outflow area

1. Through the mobility of people, a large number of rural surplus labor force has been transferred to the very dynamic urban production sector, and the alleviation of the population pressure is conducive to the optimal spatial distribution of the rural labor force, which will improve the production. 2.

2, the increase in the number of mobile population, outside the mobile time growth, in order to maintain or improve their status. Mobility is thus strengthened, which ultimately leads to the disintegration of the traditional socio-economic structure.

3. The impact of population mobility on agriculture varies according to the agricultural potential of each region. In areas with poor agricultural resources, the increase in population will lead to a sharp decline in per capita production, so farmers can not help but flow out of the region, therefore, agricultural output itself is the cause rather than the result of population movement.

4, the structure of urban labor demand also has an impact on the gender composition of the flow. For example, the development of tourism, entertainment, catering and other industries in some areas greatly favors the movement of women, thus leading to changes in the gender structure of rural areas in this region.

5, the returnee population in rural areas often play an important role in radical political change, which is divided into two cases: one is that some of the returnee population with new knowledge, information back to their hometowns, hoping to make a great achievement, but by all sides of the resistance, they turned to more violent means to vent their dissatisfaction with the local; the other is that some of the people in the city to return to the countryside, frustrated, then this dissatisfaction to the local community. In another case, some people who have been frustrated in the city return to the countryside, where the resentment is not only directed at the locality but at the community as a whole.

6. The impact of the returning population on the economic and political structure of the countryside is relatively significant, in addition to affecting people's values, customs, religious rituals, and community education.

Second, the impact of the flow of farmers on the influx of society

1, socialized mass production, industrialization depends on the economies of scale can only be realized in urban conditions or agriculture with less labor, more capital, therefore, the flow of peasants caused by the urbanization of the material growth of the prerequisites.

2. If peasant mobility is blind, it will lead to many problems in cities. Such as slums, garbage disposal, traffic congestion, housing shortage, inadequate educational facilities, environmental pollution, crime, unemployment and so on.

Question 8: What exists in China besides rural and urban areas in a triadic society What exists in China besides rural and urban areas in a triadic society?

Answer: a society of migrant workers

Question 9: Judgment: The change in the structure of the rural economy and society is to a certain extent the change in the structure of the country's economy and society 1. Chairman Mao said: "China's problems are fundamentally the problems of the peasants, and the problems of the peasants are fundamentally the increase in the income of the peasants. I hope this helps you