Please analyze the characteristics of Chinese peasants?

The main economic, political and ideological characteristics of the Chinese peasantry.

(1) China's peasants are, in general, the embodiment of the collective economy, the socialist collective peasants, and at the same time,

individual possessors of some of the means of production. In terms of the form of possession of the means of production, the Chinese peasantry is

linked to collective ownership. While the collective peasantry possesses the basic means of production, individual peasants

possess a considerable portion of the means of production, and in the process of restructuring rural production relations, the portion possessed by individual peasants

has increased in both quantity and scope. According to information for 1980,

calculated on the basis of the constant prices of 1970, the economic output of peasant families in that year amounted to 30.8 billion yuan, accounting for 18.9 percent of the total

output value of agriculture, and the grain produced by the members of the community on their own land amounted to 35 billion jin a year, accounting for 5.5 percent of the country's total output

.Statistics for the end of 1984 showed that the tractors purchased by individual peasants and joint families nationwide The number of tractors purchased by individual farmers and joint households was 3.12 million, an increase of 47.3% over 1983, accounting for 77.9% of the total number of tractors in rural areas nationwide (except for state-run farms).

The number of farm vehicles owned by farmers reached 3.5 billion kilograms per year, accounting for 5.5% of the country's total output. Farmers' own agricultural vehicles amounted to 180,000, 90,000 more than in 1983, accounting for 57.1 percent of the country's

total number of rural vehicles. The collective economy in rural China is characterized by the coexistence of various economic forms

. There is individual possession; there is collective possession on a larger scale and scope, such as the fixed assets owned by

townships and villages, and there is collective possession on a smaller scale and scope, such as the fixed assets and means of production owned by the new

economic unions; and there is also private possession by peasants in the form of family units. This coexistence of multiple economic forms is appropriate to the state of productive forces in rural China at this stage

. Practice has also proved that it has a great effect on the correct handling of the relationship between the collective and the individual, and on mobilizing both the collective economy and the individual farmers

. At the same time, this situation also shows that the

collective economy in rural China is a form of economy belonging to the primary stage of socialism, and that it is still only compatible with the relatively backward

productivity.

(2) China's peasants have begun to transform themselves into commodity producers, but have not yet ended their state of self-sufficiency or

semi-sufficiency. The commodity rate of agricultural and sideline products in China has increased, but not at a fast pace. According to

statistics, the commodity rate of agricultural and sideline products averaged 33.9 percent between 1978 and 1980, only 2.4 percent higher than before 1978

. By 1983, rural retail sales accounted for only 58.6 percent of the total

commodity sales of society as a whole. The industrial structure of the countryside has begun to be adjusted in recent years. However, the total agricultural output value

and the output value of the plantation industry still accounted for a large proportion. According to statistics, the share of agricultural output value in the total value of rural social

products in 1984 was 5.6 percent lower than in 1980, but still accounted for 63.2 percent. The share of plantation output was 3.1 percent lower than in 1980, but still accounted for 68 percent. The emergence of specialized rural households reflects the good phenomenon of rural

breaking through the subsistence and semi-sufficiency economy and increasing the rate of commodities. However, the proportion of professional households is not

high.

In 1985, the National Bureau of Statistics stipulated the statistical standards of professional households as follows: First, calculated on a household basis

, its main labor force or most of its labor force is engaged in a certain professional production, or conducts professional business

activities for more than 60 percent of the time. Second, the income from the specialty accounts for more than 60% of the total household income. Thirdly, the commodity rate of specialized

products reaches more than 80% (the commodity rate of grain specialized households reaches more than 60%). Fourthly, the income from the sale of products (including service income) is more than double the average level of income from the sale of products per

household of rural households in the locality (county). This criterion, under the present circumstances, the commodity rate

is relatively high. The above information shows that the basic overview of the economic situation in rural China includes two aspects: first, the transition from a "natural economy-type" cooperative economy to a "commodity economy-type" cooperative economy has begun, and the transition is gaining momentum. First, the shift from a "natural economy-based" cooperative economy to a "commodity economy-based" cooperative economy is beginning, and the shift is gaining momentum. The reform of the economic system in the countryside is developing in depth.

The second is that this process of transformation is far from complete and is only beginning. On the whole, it has not yet escaped from the state of self-sufficiency

or semi-sufficiency. Even in areas where the commodity economy is more developed, the phenomenon of "family contracting and household farming" has not been eliminated, which indicates that the degree of socialization in China's rural economy is relatively low.

(3)

China's peasants have basically solved the problem of subsistence and have begun to embark on the road to ****same affluence. With the reform of the rural

economic system, peasants have gained the autonomy to run their own businesses, which has led to changes in the distribution of their products

as well. After the implementation of the joint production contract responsibility system in the countryside, the distribution system in the countryside was the joint-production system

Reward. This distribution system breaks the "big pot of rice", embodies the principle of distribution according to work, combines responsibilities, rights and benefits appropriately, and takes into account the interests of the State, the collective and the individual, thus mobilizing the peasants. This system is suited to the situation and characteristics of rural China. However, on a national scale, the level of distribution in rural China

varies greatly: according to 1984 statistics: per capita incomes exceeding 400 yuan in ten provinces and cities, including Beijing, Shanghai, Tianjin, Jilin, Liaozhou, Suzhou, Zhejiang, Heihei, Guangdong, and Lu, and per capita incomes of less than 300 yuan in about one-fifth of the provinces and regions.

This is because of the fact that the distribution of income to the rural areas of the countryside varies greatly, and that the distribution of income to the rural areas of the country varies greatly. The gap is also wide from region to region. Yantai district in Shandong Province saw 93 villages with per capita allocations of more than 1,000 yuan in

1984. In Jiangsu Province, 40

villages with an output value of more than 10 million yuan appeared in 1984, all with a per capita income of more than 800 yuan. The number of billion yuan townships is increasing,

and billion yuan villages have also appeared. A number of hard-working and wealthy households have appeared everywhere. A part of the farmers first rich

affluent up. According to the National Bureau of Statistics Rural Survey Team's survey of Chinese farmers' income, the proportion of poor households with per capita net income of less than 200 yuan in 1986

went down from 61.6 percent in 1980 to 11.3 percent; the proportion of well-to-do households with income of 200-500 yuan went up from 36.8 to 60 percent; and the proportion of well-to-do households with an average income of more than 500 yuan went down to 11.3 percent; and the proportion of well-to-do households with an average income of more than 500 yuan went up to 11.3 percent.

Households with more than 500 yuan and well-off households have risen from 1.6% to 28.7%. The above material shows that the disparity in the incomes of China's peasants

is obvious, and that most of them have just solved the problem of subsistence, and are only taking a welcome step forward on the road to ****same affluence

. The Party's policy of allowing some people to get rich first on the premise of *** with affluence

is the right one. However, it is important to make a correct estimate

and analysis of the degree of affluence of China's peasants.

(4) Chinese peasants still retain historical traces of duality. The classic Marxist writers have repeatedly made precise analyses of the basic characteristics of the peasantry. They concluded that "all small producers

have two sides". China's peasant class, historically speaking, undoubtedly also belongs to the category of small producers

and also has a twofold nature. The assertions of the classical writers are equally applicable to the

analysis of the Chinese peasant class. At the present time, the Chinese peasant class still retains historical traces of the dualism of the small producer, or

speaking, it still retains a residual form of dualism. It is mainly manifested in the treatment of the interests of the state, the collective and the individual,

in order to become personally rich and prosperous, possibly to the detriment of the interests of the state and the collective, showing

a certain degree of spontaneity and blindness. Therefore, it is necessary to guide farmers from a subsistence and semi-subsistence economy to a

commodity economy, and to realize the transformation of commercialization, specialization and socialization, in order to develop rural productive forces.

This is the inevitable path of historical development and progress. Before affirming the essence and mainstream of the peasantry

, continuing to guide the peasants along the path of cooperativization to achieve ****same prosperity and to overcome the traces of small producers inherited from history

remains an important task at the present stage.

(5) The quality of the peasantry

is constantly improving, and a new generation of peasants is growing up. The improvement in the quality of farmers is manifested in the completion of the replacement of the old and the new in the rural labor force

Wood. At present, new farmers under the age of 35 have accounted for about 60% of the total labor force.

The part of the people who carried the load in the countryside during the 1950s

have withdrawn from the peasant labor force, and some have become

half-laborers, and the main force has been assumed by the young peasants. Young farmers are full of ideals, accept new things quickly,

bringing new vitality to the peasant team. The improvement in the quality of the peasants is manifested in the improvement of their cultural level.

Before liberation, there were about 280 million illiterate people in rural areas nationwide, accounting for 83 percent of peasants over 14 years old. After the founding of the People's Republic of China,

the cause of rural culture and education has developed greatly and made great achievements.In 1983, the number of students in rural elementary school, junior high schools

and high schools amounted to 140 million, an increase of 51.4% compared with that of 1965.In 1982, the number of the rural population with junior high school education or above increased from 6.42% in 1964 to 24.98%.

The rural population has also improved the quality of the rural population, and the number of farmers who are illiterate has increased. In 1982, the rural population

was 24.98 percent educated beyond junior high school, up from 6.42 percent in 1964. At the same time, the culture of learning science and technology in

rural areas is also growing. A system of technical education for peasants

has been initially formed throughout the country. The improvement of farmers' quality is also manifested in the emergence of a large number of pioneering talents among farmers. In the development of

commodity economy, adjusting the industrial structure, the potential wisdom of the peasantry in the ranks of the development of

Chinese peasants, farmers entrepreneurs, managers, agronomists, etc., continue to emerge throughout the country.

This is the hope for China's rural economic development.

(6) With the development of the rural economy and the change of the farmers' economic status

, the farmers' conceptualization has begun to change. Chinese peasants have long been in the position of small production

and have been y influenced by feudal patriarchal concepts. On the one hand, Chinese peasants have the

good traditions of diligence, simplicity and bravery, but on the other hand, the narrow-mindedness, conservatism, closed-mindedness and ignorance are also very obvious. With the change of farmers'

economic status and the development of agricultural economy, farmers' consciousness is also changing. To select the most important ones,

there are the following manifestations: the concept of self-sufficiency has been thinned, the concept of commodity value has been strengthened; the idea of the development of the family

updated, the social consciousness has been strengthened; the closed-door mentality has begun to break down, and the sense of openness has already appeared; the idea of the clan

begins to dilute the awareness of the democratic sense of the strengthening of the concept of the change is also manifested in the change of the peasant's way of life

up. The following is an example of this change. The monotonous situation of "working at sunrise and resting at sunset", with a light meal and a clear mind, has changed.

Peasants' consumption of commodities has increased markedly. in 1986, the amount of commodities purchased with money

in the per capita living consumption of peasants was 217 yuan. This was nearly four times higher than eight years earlier, accounting for

62.8 percent of all spending on living goods, compared with 38.6 percent in 1978. In terms of spiritual life, farmers' demands are also growing

higher. Peasants need spiritual food, and in some areas they can be said to be hungry for it. This is not only

the need to develop production and increase income, but also reflects the need to change the farmers' way of life. The change in farmers

people's perceptions is only the beginning, and it varies from region to region and from one group of people to another. Agriculture in China

is developing from traditional agriculture to modernized large-scale agriculture, and China's rural economy is developing from self-sufficiency,

semi-sufficiency to a large-scale commodity economy, so the individual characteristics of the Chinese peasants will continue to change

but no matter how they change, the basic characteristics of the peasant class of the new China as a collective socialist peasantry

won't change.