What is the pan-democratic camp?

Under these circumstances, the "pan-democrats", under the banner of freedom, democracy and human rights, and calling for limiting the power of big capital, defending the interests of small and medium-sized capitals, and safeguarding the interests of the grassroots, cannot help but be extremely attractive to the people of Hong Kong.

Of course, as far as the substance of these propositions is concerned, they are still within the scope of bourgeois democracy. The League of Social Democrats (LSD) is very radical, and "Long Hair" Leung Kwok-hung is a fierce advocate (and reportedly a follower of Trotsky and an admirer of Guevara). However, the "pan-democratic camp" as a whole has a certain color of the Social Democratic Party, and it is a coalition of the left wing of the bourgeoisie. If there is no political party in Hong Kong in the near future that is truly representative of the people, with a platform of political democracy, economic democracy and social justice, and is capable of carrying out effective political agitation, then the "pan-democrats" cannot be killed out of hand, and there is a justification for their existence.

However, given Hong Kong's special history as a former colony, its special status as a frontline for peaceful evolution of mainland China by the West, and the possible evolution of the "pan-democrats" as the situation changes, we should always keep another perspective in our observation and thinking.

First of all, the "pan-democrats" are in line with the Western anti-China forces in attacking China's current political system with the so-called universal values of freedom, democracy and human rights, and thus the "pan-democrats" are in a weaker position in Hong Kong's current political landscape. Therefore, given the weak position of the "pan-democrats" in the current political landscape of Hong Kong, it is very easy for them to seek help from the Western anti-Chinese forces in order to maintain their own survival and growth, and they will easily hope to realize their own political propositions with the help of foreign pressures, thus acting as pawns of the anti-Chinese forces. As a matter of fact, Mr. Martin Lee of the Democratic Party and others have repeatedly made statements abroad requesting the West to intervene in certain matters related to China's sovereignty. In this "five-district referendum" campaign, the League of Social Democrats and the Civic Party have also expressed their hope that the campaign will put political pressure on the SAR government and Beijing, and attract wide international attention.

Secondly, the central government is the backstage of the ruling party in Hong Kong, and if the "pan-democrats" want to overthrow the ruling party and come to power themselves, they will inevitably have to confront the central government on a series of major issues, such as the timetable for dual universal suffrage. The natural result of such confrontation is to demand greater independence for Hong Kong beyond the scope of the current Basic Law, which is what the ruling party and the Central Government have denounced as "Hong Kong independence". Of course, the "pan-democrats" do not admit now that they want "Hong Kong independence", which may be true, but evolution always takes place step by step, and if the conflict with the Central Government is irreconcilable, the result will inevitably be the emergence of the voice of "Hong Kong independence". If the conflict with the Central Government is irreconcilable, the result will inevitably be the emergence of "Hong Kong independence". Take "Long Hair" of the League of Social Democrats, the most radical wing of the "pan-democratic camp", as an example. He is a self-proclaimed patriot, but he protested in a high profile against the Central Government's suppression of Tibet in the aftermath of the unrest in Tibet in 2008, alleging that the Central Government had stifled Tibet's autonomy and trampled on the freedom of belief.

Third, the "pan-democratic camp" is now in the opposition, and in order to come to power, it needs to defend the interests of the lower and middle classes in order to win their support, and it needs to go on the offensive against the big bourgeoisie, which is the main supporter of the government. However, it is hard to say whether it will still maintain this political characteristic once it comes to power, and whether it will always govern from the standpoint of a spokesman for the lower and middle classes, especially the lower classes (laborers and grassroots). Chan Ying-jen once pointed out that among the "pan-democrats" in Hong Kong, those who have gained a leading position are lawyers, accountants, top managers and middle bourgeoisie. These people are inextricably linked with the big bourgeoisie, and their confrontation with the Hong Kong Government is more a confrontation between the different political factions of the bourgeoisie. Once they have power, they are likely to change from "anti-business" to "pro-business", just like the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in Taiwan, and from supporting the grassroots in fighting for their rights. Once in power, it is very likely that, as in the case of the Democratic Progressive Party in Taiwan, it will change from being "anti-business" to "pro-business", and from supporting grass-roots movements fighting for social justice to suppressing them. This is particularly important to observers on the left.

Hong Kong society will not be calm in the next decade. Objective situations and subjective actions will bring about more complicated conflicts, sharper confrontations and more open struggles! In this regard, we should have a more comprehensive observation, a more profound analysis, and a more relaxed response.